This subject will be treated under the following three heads:
I. General Statement and Proof of Catholic Doctrine;
II. Questions of Detail;
III. Practice in the British and Irish Churches.
I. GENERAL STATEMENT AND PROOF
Catholic teaching regarding
prayers for the dead is bound up inseparably with the doctrine of
purgatory and the more general doctrine of the communion of the saints,
which is an article of the Apostle's Creed. The definition of the
Council of Trent (Sess. XXV), "that purgatory exists, and that the
souls detained therein are helped by the suffrages of the faithful, but
especially by the acceptable sacrifice of the altar", is merely a
restatement in brief of the traditional teaching which had already been
embodied in more than one authoritative formula -- as in the creed
prescribed for converted Waldenses by Innocent III in 1210 (Denzinger,
Enchiridion, n. 3 73) and more fully in the profession of faith
accepted for the Greeks by Michael Palaeologus at the Second Ecumenical
Council of Florence in 1439: "[We define] likewise, that if the truly
penitent die in the love of God, before they have made satisfaction by
worthy fruits of penance for their sins of commission and omission,
their souls are purified by purgatorial pains after death; and that for
relief from these pains they are benefitted by the suffrages of the
faithful in this life, that is, by Masses, prayers, and almsgiving, and
by the other offices of piety usually performed by the faithful for one
another according to the practice [instituta] of the Church"
(ibid., n. 588). Hence, under "suffrages" for the dead, which are
defined to be legitimate and efficacious, are included not only formal
supplications, but every kind of pious work that may be offered for the
spiritual benefit of others, and it is in this comprehensive sense that
we speak of prayers in the present article. As is clear from this
general statement, the Church does not recognize the limitation upon
which even modern Protestants often insist, that prayers for the dead,
while legitimate and commendable as a private practice, are to be
excluded from her public offices. The most efficacious of all prayers,
in Sacrifice of the Mass.
Coming to the proof of this
doctrine, we find, in the first place, that it is an integral part of
the great general truth which we name the communion of saints. This
truth is the counterpart in the supernatural order of the natural law
of human solidarity. Men are not isolated units in the life of grace,
any more than in domestic and civil life. As children in Christ's
Kingdom they are as one family under the loving Fatherhood of God; as
members of Christ's mystical body they are incorporated not only with
Him, their common Head, but with one another, and this not merely by
visible social bonds and external co-operation, but by the invisible
bonds of mutual love and sympathy, and by effective co-operation in the
inner life of grace. Each is in some degree the beneficiary of the
spiritual activities of the others, of their prayers and good works,
their merits and satisfactions; nor is this degree to be wholly
measured by those indirect ways in which the law of solidarity works
out in other cases, nor by the conscious and explicit altruistic
intentions of individual agents. It is wider than this, and extends to
the bounds of the mysterious. Now, as between the living, no Christian
can deny the reality of this far-reaching spiritual communion; and
since death, for those who die in faith and grace, does not sever the
bonds of this communion, why should it interrupt its efficacy in the
case of the dead, and shut them out from benefits of which they are
capable and may be in need? Of very few can it be hoped that they have
attained perfect holiness at death; and none but the perfectly holy are
admitted to the vision of God. Of few, on the other hand, will they at
least who love them admit the despairing thought that they are beyond
the pale of grace and mercy, and condemned to eternal separation from
God and from all who hope to be with God. On this ground alone it has
been truly said that purgatory is a postulate of the Christian reason;
and, granting the existence of the purgatorial state, it is equally a
postulate of the Christian reason in the communion of saints, or, in
other words, be helped by the prayers of their brethren on earth and in
heaven. Christ is King in purgatory as well as in heaven and on earth,
and He cannot be deaf to our prayers for our loved ones in that part of
His Kingdom, whom he also loves while He chastises them. For our own
consolation as well as for theirs we want to believe in this living
intercourse of charity with our dead. We would believe it without
explicit warrant of Revelation, on the strength of what is otherwise
revealed and in obedience to the promptings of reason and natural
affection. Indeed, it is largely for this reason that Protestants in
growing numbers are giving up today the joy-killing doctrine of the
Reformers, and reviving Catholic teaching and practice. As we shall
presently see, there is no clear and explicit warrant for prayers for
the dead in the Scriptures recognized by Protestants as canonical,
while they do not admit the Divine authority of extra-Scriptural
traditions. Catholics are in a better position.
A. Arguments from Scripture
Omitting some passages in
the Old Testament which are sometimes invoked, but which are too vague
and uncertain in their reference to be urged in proof (v.g. Tobias, iv,
18; Ecclus., vii, 37; etc.), it is enough to notice here the classical
passage in II Machabees, xii, 40-46. When Judas and his men came to
take away for burial the bodies of their brethren who had fallen in the
battle against Gorgias, "they found under the coats of the slain some
of the donaries of the idols of Jamnia, which the law forbiddeth to the
Jews: so that all plainly saw, that for this cause they were slain.
Then they all blessed the just judgment of the Lord, who had discovered
the things that were hidden. And so betaking themselves to prayers,
they besought him, that the sin which had ben committed might be
forgotten...And making a gathering, he [Judas] sent twelve [al. two]
drachms of silver to Jerusalem for sacrifice to be offered for the sins
of the dead, thinking well and religiously concerning the resurrection
(for if he had not hoped that they that were slain should rise again,
it would have seemed superfluous and vain to pray for the dead), and
because he considered that they who had fallen asleep in godliness, had
great grace laid up for them. It is therefore a holy and wholesome
thought to sins." For Catholics who accept this book as canonical, this
passage leaves nothing to be desired. The inspired author expressly
approves Judas's action in this particular case, and recommends in
general terms the practice of prayers for the dead. There is no
contradiction in the particular case between the conviction that a sin
had been committed, calling down the penalty of death, and the hope
that the sinners had nevertheless died in godliness -- an opportunity
for penance had intervened.
But even for those who deny
the inspired authority of this book, unequivocal evidence is here
furnished of the faith and practice of the Jewish Church in the second
century B.C. -- that is to say, of the orthodox Church, for the sect of
the Sadducees denied the resurrection (and, by implication at least,
the general doctrine of immortality), and it would seem from the
argument of which the author introduces in his narrative that he had
Sadducean adversaries in mind. The act of Judas and his men in praying
for their deceased comrades is represented as if it were a matter of
course; nor is there anything to suggest that the procuring of
sacrifices for the dead was a novel or exceptional thing; from which it
is fair to conclude that the practice -- both private and liturgical --
goes back beyond the time of proof to the contrary, that this practice
was maintained in later times, and that Christ and the Apostles were
familiar with it; and whatever other evidence is available from
Talmudic and other sources strongly confirms this assumption, if it
does not absolutely prove it as a fact (see, v.g., Luckock, "After
Death", v, pp. 50 sq.). This is worth noting because it helps us to
understand the true significance of Christ's silence on the subject --
if it be held on the incomplete evidence of the Gospels that He was
indeed altogether silent -- and justifies us in regarding the Christian
practice as an inheritance from orthodox Judaism.
We have said that there is
no clear and explicit Scriptural text in favour of prayers for the
dead, except the above text of II Machabees. Yet there are one or two
sayings of Christ recorded by the Evangelists, which are most naturally
interpreted as containing an implicit reference to a purgatorial state
after death; and in St. Paul's Epistles a passage of similar import
occurs, and one or two other passages that bear directly on the
question of prayers for the dead. When Christ promises forgiveness for
all sins that a man may commit except the sin against the Holy Ghost,
which "shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world nor in the
world to come" (Matthew 12:31-32), is the concluding phrase nothing
more than a periphrastic equivalent for "never"? Or, if Christ meant to
emphasize the distinction of worlds, is "the world to come" to be
understood, not of thelife after death, but of the Messianic age on
earth as imagined and expected by the Jews? Both interpretations have
been proposed; but the second is far-fetched and decidedly improbable
(cf. Mark 3:29); while the first, though admissible, is less obvious
and less natural than that which allows the implied question at least
to remain: May sins be forgiven in the world to come? Christ's hearers
believed in this possibility, and, had He Himself wished to deny it, He
would hardly have used a form of expression which they would naturally
take to be a tacit admission of their belief. Precisely the same
argument applies to the words of Christ regarding the debtor who is
cast into prison, from which he shall not go out till he has paid the
last farthing (Luke 12:59).
Passing over the well-known
passage, 1 Corinthians 3:14 sq., on which an argument for purgatory may
be based, attention may be called to another curious text in the same
Epistle (15:29), where St. Paul argues thus in favour of the
resurrection: "Otherwise what shall they do that are baptized for the
dead, if the dead rise not again at all? Why are they then baptized
form them?" Even assuming that the practice here referred to was
superstitious, and that St. Paul merely uses it as the basis of an argumentum ad hominem,
the passage at least furnishes historical evidence of the prevalence at
the time of belief in the efficacy of works for the dead; and the
Apostle's reserve in not reprobating this particular practice is more
readily intelligible if we suppose him to have recognized the truth of
the principle of which it was merely an abuse. But it is probable that
the practice in question was something in itself legitimate, and to
which the Apostle gives his tacit approbation. In his Second Epistle to
Timothy (4:19) St. Paul speaks of Onesiphorus in a way that seems
obviously to imply that the latter was already dead: "The Lord give
mercy to the house of Onesiphorus" -- as to a family in need of
consolation. Then, after mention of loyal services rendered by him to
the imprisoned Apostle at Rome, comes the prayer for Onesiphorus
himself, "The Lord grant unto him to find mercy of the Lord in that
day" (the day of judgment); finally, in the salutation, "the household
of Onesiphorus" is mentioned once more, without mention of the man
himself. The question is, what had become of him? Was he dead, as one
would naturally infer from what St. Paul writes? Or had he for any
other cause become separated permanently from his family, so that
prayer for them should take account of present needs while prayers for
him looked forward to the day of judgment? Or could it be that he was
still at Rome when the Apostle wrote, or gone elsewhere for a prolonged
absence from home? The first is by far the easiest and most natural
hypothesis; and if it be admitted, we have here an instance of prayer
by the Apostle for the soul of a deceased benefactor.
B. Arguments from Tradition
The traditional evidence in favour of prayers for the dead, which has been preserved
- in monumental inscriptions (especially those of the catacombs),
- in the ancient liturgies, and
- in Christian literature generally, is so abundant that we
cannot do more in this article than touch very briefly on a few of the
more important testimonies.
1. Monumental inscriptions
The inscriptions in the Roman Catacombs range in date from the first
century (the earliest dated is from A.D. 71) to the early part of the
fifth; and though the majority are undated, archaeologists have been
able to fix approximately the dates of a great many by comparison with
those that are dated. The greater number of the several thousand extant
belong to the ante-Nicene period -- the first three centuries and the
early part of the fourth. Christian sepulchral inscriptions from other
parts of the Church are few in number compared with those in the
catacombs, but the witness of such as have come down to us agrees with
that of the catacombs. Many inscriptions are exceedingly brief and
simple (PAX, IN PACE, etc.), and might be taken for statements rather
than prayers, were it not that in other cases they are so frequently
and so naturally amplified into prayers (PAX TIBI, etc.). There are
prayers, called acclamatory, which are considered to be the
most ancient, and in which there is the simple expression of a wish for
some benefit to the deceased, without any formal address to God. The
benefits most frequently prayed for are: peace, the good (i.e. eternal
salvation), light, refreshment, life, eternal life, union with God,
with Christ, and with the angels and saints -- e.g. PAX (TIBI, VOBIS,
SPIRITUI TUO, IN ĘTERNUM, TIBI CUM ANGELIS, CUM SANCTIS); SPIRITUS TUUS
IN BONO (SIT, VIVAT, QUIESCAT); ĘTERNA LUX TIBI; IN REFREGERIO ESTO;
SPIRITUM IN REFRIGERIUM SUSCIPIAT DOMINUS; DEUS TIBI REFRIGERET; VIVAS,
VIVATIS (IN DEO, IN [Chi-Rho] IN SPIRITO SANCTO, IN PACE, IN
ĘTERNO, INTER SANCTOS, CUM MARTYRIBUS). For detailed references see
Kirsch, "Die Acclamationen", pp. 9-29; Cabrol and Leclercq, "Monumenta
Liturgica" (Paris, 1902), I, pp. ci-cvi, cxxxix, etc. Again there are
prayers of a formal character, in which survivors address their
petitions directly to God the Father, or to Christ, or even to the
angels, or to the saints and martyrs collectively, or to some one of
them in particular. The benefits prayed for are those already
mentioned, with the addition sometimes of liberation from sin. Some of
these prayers read like excepts from the liturgy: e.g. SET PATER
OMNIPOTENS, ORO, MISERERE LABORUM TANTORUM, MISERE(re) ANIMAE NON DIG(na)
FERENTIS (De Rossi, Inscript. Christ., II a, p. ix). Sometimes the
writers of the epitaphs request visitors to prayers, as in the
well-known Greek epitaph of Abercius (see ABERCIUS, INSCRIPTION OF), in
tow similar Roman epitaphs dating form the middle of the second century
(De Rossi, op. cit., II, a, p. xxx, Kirsch, op. cit., p. 51), and in
many later inscriptions. That pious people often visited the tombs to
prayer on the monument, is also clear form a variety of indications
(see examples in De Rossi, "Roma Sotteranea", II, p. 15). In a word, so
overwhelming is the witness of the early Christian monuments in favour
of prayer for the dead that no historian any longer denies that the
practice and the belief which the practice implies were universal in
the primitive Church. There was no break of continuity in this respect
between Judaism and Christianity.
2. Ancient liturgies
The testimony of the early
liturgies is in harmony with that of the monuments. Without touching
the subject of the various liturgies we possess, without even
enumerating and citing them singly, it is enough to say here that all
without exception -- Nestorian and Monophysite as well as Catholic,
those in Syriac, Armenian, and Coptic as well as those in Greek and
Latin -- contain the commemoration of the faithful departed in the
Mass, with a prayer for peace, light, refreshment and the like, and in
many cases expressly for the remission of sins and the effacement of
sinful stains. The following, from the Syriac Liturgy of S.t James, may
be quoted as a typical example: "we commemorate all the faithful dead
who have died in the true faith...We ask, we entreat, we pray Christ
our God, who took their souls and spirits to Himself, that by His many
compassions He will make them worthy of the pardon of their faults and
the remission of their sins" (Syr. Lit. S. Jacobi, ed. Hammond, p. 75).
3. Early Christian literature
Turning finally to early
literary sources, we find evidence in the apocryphal "Acta Joannis",
composed about A.D. 160-170, that at that time anniversaries of the
dead were commemorated by the application of the Holy Sacrifice of the
Mass (Lipsius and Bonnet, "Acta Apost. Apocr.", I, 186). The same fact
is witnessed by the "Canons of Hippolytus" (Ed. Achelis, p. 106), by
Tertullian (De Cor. Mil., iii, P. L., II, 79), and by many later
writers. Tertullian also testifies to the regularity of the practice of
praying privately for the dead (De Monogam., x, P.L., II, 942); and of
the host of later authorities that may be cited, both for public and
private prayers, we must be content to refer to but a few. St. Cyprian
writes to Cornelius that their mutual prayers and good offices ought to
be continued after either should be called away by death (Ep. lvii, P.
L., III, 830 sq.), and he tells us that before his time (d. 258) the
African bishops had forbidden testators to nominate a priest as
executor and guardian in their wills, and had decreed, as the penalty
for violating this law, deprivation after death of the Holy Sacrifice
and the other offices of the Church, which were regularly celebrated
for the repose of each of the faithful; hence, in the case of one
Victor who had broken the law, "no offering might be made for his
repose, or any prayer offered in the Church in his name" (Ep. lxvi, P.
L., IV, 399). Arnobius speaks of the Christian churches as
"conventicles in which...peace and pardon is asked for all men...for
those still living and for those already freed from the bondage of the
body" (Adv. Gent., IV, xxxvi, P. L., V, 1076). In his funeral oration
for his brother Satyrus St. Ambrose beseeches God to accept
propitiously his "brotherly service of priestly sacrifice" (fraternum
munus, sacrificium sacerdotis) for the deceased ("De Excessu Satyri
fr.", I, 80, P. L., XVI, 1315); and, addressing Valentinian and
Theodosius, he assures them of happiness if his prayers shall be of any
avail; he will let no day or night go past without remembering them in
his prayers and at the altar ("De Obitu Valent.", 78, ibid., 1381). As
a further testimony from the Western Church we may quote one of the
many passages in which St. Augustine speaks of prayers for the dead:
"The universal Church observes this law, handed down from the Fathers,
that prayers should be offered for those who have died in the communion
of the Body and Blood of Christ, when they are commemorated in their
proper place at the Sacrifice" (Serm. clxxii, 2, P.L., XXXVIII, 936).
As evidence of the faith of the Eastern Church we may refer to what
Eusebius tells us, that at the tomb of Constantine "a vast crowd of
people together with the priests of God offered their prayers to God
for the Emperor's soul with tears and great lamentation" (Vita Const.,
IV, lxxi, P. G., XX, 1226). Acrius, a priest of Pontus, who flourished
in the third quarter of the fourth century, was branded as a heretic
for denying the legitimacy and efficacy of prayers for the dead. St.
Epiphanius, who records and refutes his views, represent the custom of
praying for the dead as a duty imposed by tradition (Adv. Haer., III,
lxxx, P. G., XLII, 504 sq.), and St. Chrysotom does not hesitate to
speak of it as a "law laid down by the Apostles" (Hom., iii, in
Philipp., i, 4, P.G., LXII, 203).
Objections alleged
No rational difficulty can
be urged against the Catholic doctrine of prayers for the dead; on the
contrary, as we have seen, the rational presumption in its favour is
strong enough to induce belief in it on the part of many whose rule of
faith does to allow them to prove with entire certainty that it is a
doctrine of Protestant objections, based on certain texts of the Old
Testament and on the parable of Dives and Lazarus in the New, are
admitted by modern commentators to be either irrelevant or devoid of
force.
The saying of Ecclesiastes
(xi, 3) for instance, "if the tree fall to the south, or to the north,
in what place soever it shall fall, there shall it be", is probably
intended merely to illustrate the general theme with which the writer
is detailing in the context, viz. the inevitableness of natural law in
the present visible world. But even if it be understood of the fate of
the soul after death, it can mean nothing more than what Catholic
teaching affirms, that the final issue -- salvation or damnation -- is
determined irrevocably at death; which is not incompatible with a
temporary state of purgatorial purification for the saved.
The imagery of the
parable of Lazarus is too uncertain to be made the basis of dogmatic
inference, except as regards the general truth of rewards and
punishments after death; but in any case it teaches merely that one
individual may be admitted to hell, without hinting anything as to the
proximate fate of the man who is neither a Lazarus nor a Dives.
II. QUESTIONS OF DETAIL
Admitting the general teaching that prayers for the dead are efficacious, we are naturally led on to inquire more particularly:
- What prayers are efficacious?
- For whom and how far are they efficacious?
- How are we, theoretically, to conceive and explain their efficacy?
- What disciplinary laws has the Church imposed regarding her public offices for the dead?
We shall state briefly what
is needful to be said in answer to these questions, mindful of the
admonition of the Council of Trent, to avoid in this matter those "more
difficult and subtle questions that do not make for edification" (Sess.
XXV).
A. What prayers are efficacious?
The Sacrifice of the Mass
has always occupied the foremost place among prayers for the dead, as
will be seen from the testimonies quoted above; but in addition to the
Mass and to private prayers, we have mention in the earliest times of
almsgiving, especially in connection with funeral agapae, and
of fasting for the dead (Kirsch, Die Lehre von der Gemeinschaft der
Heiligen, etc., p. 171; Cabrol, Dictionnaire d'archeologie, I,
808-830). Believing in the communion of saints in which the departed
faithful shared, Christians saw no reason for excluding them from any
of the offices of piety which the living were in the habit of
performing for one another. The only development to be noted in this
connection is the application of Indulgences for the dead. Indulgences
for the living were a development from the ancient penitential
discipline, and were in use for a considerable time before we have any
evidence of their being formally applied for the dead. The earliest
instance comes from the year 1457. Without entering into the subject
here, we would remark that the application of Indulgences for the dead,
when properly understood and explained, introduces no new principle,
but is merely an extension of the general principle underlying the
ordinary practice of prayer and good works for the dead. The church
claims no power of absolving the souls in purgatory from their pains, as on earth she absolves men from sins. It is only per modum suffragii,
i.e. by way of prayer, that Indulgences avail for the dead, the Church
adding her official or corporate intercession to that of the person who
performs and offers the indulgenced work, and beseeching God to apply,
for the relief of those souls whom the offerer intends, some portion of
the superabundant satisfactions of Christ and His saints, or, in view
of those same satisfactions, to remit some portion of their pains, in
what measure may seem good to His own infinite mercy and love.
B. For whom and how far are they efficacious?
To those who die in wilful,
unrepented mortal sin, which implies a deliberate turning away from God
as the last end and ultimate good of man, Catholic teaching holds out
no hope of eventual salvation by a course of probation after death.
Eternal exile from the face of God is, by their own choice, the fate of
such unhappy souls, and prayers are unavailing to reverse that awful
doom. This was the explicit teaching of Christ, the meek and merciful
Saviour, and the Church can but repeat the Master's teaching (see
HELL). But the Church does not presume to judge individuals, even those
for whom, on other grounds, she refuses to offer her Sacrifice and her
prayers [see below, (4)], while it may happen, on the contrary, that
some of those for whom her oblations are made are among the number of
the damned. What of such prayers? If they cannot avail to the ultimate
salvation of the damned, may it at least be held that they are not
entirely unavailing to procure some alleviation of their sufferings,
some temporary refrigeria, or moments of mitigation, as a few
Fathers and theologians have suggested? All that can be said in favour
of this speculation is, that the Church has never formally reprobated
it. But the great majority of theologians, following St. Thomas (In
Sent. IV, xlv, q. ii, a. 2), consider it rash and unfounded. If certain
words in the Offertory of the Mass for the Dead, "Lord Jesus Christ,
deliver the souls of all the faithful departed from the pains of hell,
and the deep abyss", seem originally to have suggested an idea of
deliverance from the hell of the damned, this is to be understood not
of rescue, but of preservation from that calamity. The whole requiem
Office is intensely dramatic, and in this particular prayer the Church
suppliant is figured as accompanying the departed soul into the
presence of its Judge, and praying, ere yet sentence is pronounced, for
its deliverance from the sinner's doom. On the other hand, prayers are
needless for the blessed who already enjoy the vision of God face to
face. Hence in the Early Church, as St. Augustine expressly assures us
(Serm. cclxxv, 5, P.L., XXXVIII, 1295), and as is otherwise abundantly
clear, prayers were not offered for martyrs, but to
them, to obtain the benefit of their intercession, martyrdom being
considered an act of perfect charity and winning as such an immediate
entrance into glory. And the same is true of saints whom the Church has
canonized: they no longer need the aid of our prayers on earth. It is
only, then, for the souls in purgatory that our prayers are really
beneficial. But we do not and cannot know the exact degree in which
benefits actually accrue to them, collectively or individually. The
distribution of the fruits of the communion of saints among the dead,
as among the living, rests ultimately in the hands of God, and is one
of the secrets of His economy. We cannot doubt that it is His will that
we should pray not only for the souls in purgatory collectively, but
individually with whom we have been bound on earth by special personal
ties. Nor can we doubt the general efficacy of our rightly disposed
prayers for our specially chosen ones as well as for those whom we
leave it to Him to choose. This is sufficient to inspire and to guide
us in our offices ofcharity and piety towards the dead; we may
confidently commit the application of their fruits to the wisdom and
justice of God.
C. How are we, theoretically, to conceive and explain their efficacy?
For a theoretical statement
of the manner in which prayers for the dead are efficacious we must
refer to the articles MERIT and SATISFACTION, in which the distinction
between these terms and their technical meanings will be explained.
Since merit, in the strict sense, and satisfaction, as inseparable from
merit, are confined to this life, it cannot be said in the strict sense
that the souls in purgatory merit or satisfy by their own personal
acts. But the purifying and expiatory value of their discipline of
suffering, technically called satispassio, is often spoken of
in a loose sense as satisfaction. Speaking of satisfaction in the
rigorous sense, the living can offer to God, and by impetration move
Him graciously to accept, the satisfactory value of their own good
works on behalf of the souls in purgatory, or in view of it to remit
some part of their discipline; in this sense we may be said to satisfy
for the dead. But in order that the personal works of the living may
have any satisfactory value, the agents must be in the state of grace.
The prayers of the just are on this account more efficacious in
assisting the dead than the prayers of those in sin, though it does not
follow that the general impetratory efficacy is altogether destroyed by
sin. God may hear the prayers of a sinner for others as well as for the
supplicant himself. The Sacrifice of the Mass, however, retains its
essential efficacy in spite of the sinfulness of the minister; ad the
same is true in lesser degree, of the other prayers and offices offered
by the Church's ministers in her name.
D. Church laws regarding public offices for the dead
There is no restriction by
Divine or ecclesiastical law as to those of the dead for whom private
prayer may be offered -- except that they may not be offered formally
either for the blessed in heaven or for the damned. Not only for the
faithful who have died in external communion with the Church, but for
deceased non-Catholics, even the unbaptized, who may have died in the
state of grace, one is free to offer his personal prayers and good
works; nor does the Church's prohibition of her public offices for
those who have died out of external communion with her affect the
strictly personal element in her minister's acts. For all such she
prohibits the public offering of the Sacrifice of the Mass
(and of other liturgical offices); but theologians commonly teach that
a priest is not forbidden to offer the Mass in private for
the repose of the soul of any one who, judging by probable evidence,
may be presumed to have died in faith and grace, provided, at least, he
does not say the special requiem Mass with the special prayer in which
the deceased is named, since this would give the offering a public and
official character. This prohibition does not extend to catechumens who
have died without being able to receive baptism (see, v.g., Lehmkuhl,
"Theol. Moralis", II, n. 175 sq.). For other cases in which the Church
refuses her public offices for the dead, the reader is referred to the
article CHRISTIAN BURIAL. (See also MASS; INDULGENCE; PURGATORY.)
III. PRACTICE IN THE BRITISH AND IRISH CHURCHES
The belief of our
forefathers in the efficacy of prayers for the dead is most strikingly
shown by the liturgy and ritual, in particular by the collects at Mass
and by the burial service. See, for instance, the prayers in the Bobbio
Missal, the Durham Ritual, Leofric's Missal, the Salisbury Rite, the
Stowe Missal, etc. But it should also be noted that this belief was
clearly formulated, and that is was expressed by the people at large in
numerous practices and customs. Thus, Venerable Bede declares that
"some who for their good works have been preordained to the lot of the
elect, but whom because of some bad deeds stained with which they went
forth out of the body, are after death seized upon by the flames of the
purgatorial fire, to be severely chastised, and either are being
cleansed until the day of judgment from the filth of their vices by
this long trial, or, being set free from punishment by the prayers, the
alms-deeds, the fasts, the tears of faithful friends, they enter,
undoubtedly before that time, into the rest of the blessed" (Homily
xlix, ed. Martčne, Thes. Aneed., p. 326).
The Council of Calcuth
(816) ordained that at a bishop's death the bell of every parish church
should call the people together to sing thirty Psalms for the soul of
the departed (Wilkins, Concilia, I, 171.). In the Missal of Leofric (d.
1072) are found special prayers varying according t the condition and
sex of the departed. Archbishop Theodore (d. 690), in the penitential
ascribed to him, and St. Dunstan (d. 988), in his "Concordia", explain
at length the commemoration of the departed on the third, seventh, and
thirtieth day after death. The month's mind (moneth's mynde)
in that age signified constant prayer for the dead person during the
whole month following his decease. In every church was kept a "Book of
Life", or register of those to be prayed for, and it was read at the
Offertory of the Mass. This catalogue was also known as the "bead-roll"
and the prayers as "bidding the beads". The "death-bill" was a list of
the dead which was sent around at stated times from one monastery to
another as a reminder of the agreement to pray for the departed
fellow-members. These rolls were sometimes richly illustrated, and in
passing from one religious house to another they were filled in with
verses in honour of the deceased. The laity also were united in the
fellowship or prayer for the dead through the guilds, which were
organized in every parish. These associations enjoined upon their
members various duties in behalf of the departed, such as taking part
in the burial services, offering the Mass-penny, and giving assistance
to the alms-folks, who were summoned at least twice a day to bid their
beads at church for the departed fellows of the guild. Among other good
works for the dead may be mentioned: the "soul-shot", a donation of
money to the church at which the funeral service took place, the
"doles", i.e. alms distributed to the poor, the sick, and the aged for
the benefit of a friend's soul; the founding of chantries for the
support of one or more priests who were to offer Mass daily for the
founder's soul; and the "certain", a smaller endowment which secured
for the donor's special benefit the recitation of the prayers usually
said by the priest for all the faithful departed. The universities were
often the recipients of benefactions, e.g. to their libraries, the
terms of which included prayers for the donor's soul; and these
obligations are set down in the university statutes. These various
forms of charity were practised not only by the common people but also,
and on a very generous scale, by the nobility and royalty. Besides the
bequests they made, they often provided in their will for granting
freedom to a certain number of bondmen, and left lands to the Church on
condition that the anniversary of their death should be kept by
fasting, prayer, and the celebration of Masses. For a more complete
account see Lingard, "History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon
Church", ch. ix; and Rock, "The Church of Our Fathers" (London, 1852),
II, III.
Strange as it must seem to
any one acquainted with the history of Ireland, various attempts have
been made to prove that in the early Irish Church the practice of
praying for the dead was unknown. Notable among these is Ussher's
"Discourse of the Religion anciently professed by the Irish and
British" (1631; Vol. IV of "Complete Works", Dublin, 1864). Cf. Killen,
"The Ecclesiastical History of Ireland" (London, 1875), I; and
Cathcart, "The Ancient British and Irish Churches" (London, 1894). The
weakness of Ussher's argument has been shown by several Catholic
writers, e.g. Lanigan, "Ecclesiastical History of Ireland" (Dublin,
864), appendix. More careful study has convinced competent non-Catholic
writers also that "to pray for the dead was a recognized custom in the
ancient Celtic as in every other portion of the primitive Church"
(Warren, The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, Oxford, 1881).
This statement is borne out by various documents. The Synod of St.
Patrick ("Synodus alia S. Patricii" in Wilkins, "Concilia") declares,
ch. vii: "Hear the Apostle saying: "there is a sin unto death; I do not
say that for it any one do pray". And the Lord: "Do not give the holy
to dogs". For he who did not deserve to receive the Sacrifice during
life, how can it help him after his death?" The reference to the custom
of offering Mass for the departed is obvious; the synod discriminates
between those who had observed, and those who had neglected, the laws
of the Church concerning the reception of the Eucharist.
Still more explicit is the
declaration found in the ancient collection of canons known as the
"Hibernensis" (seventh or eighth century): "Now the Church offers to
the Lord in many ways; firstly, for herself, secondly for the
Commemoration of Jesus Christ who says "Do this for a commemoration of
me", and thirdly, for the souls of the departed" (Bk. II, ch. ix;
Wasserschleben, "Die irische Kononensammlung", 2nd. ed., Leipzig,
1885). In the fifteenth book of the "Hibernensis", entitled "On Care
for the Dead", there is a firstchapter "On the four ways in which the
living assist the dead". Quoting from Origen, it is said that "the
souls of the departed are released in four ways: by the oblations of
priests or bishops to God, by the prayers of Saints, by the alms of
Christians, by the fasting of friends". There follow eight chapters
entitled: (2) On those for whom we should offer; (3) On sacrificing for
the dead; (4) On prayer for the dead; (5) On fasting for the dead; (6)
On redeemed soul; (8) On not seeking remission after death when it has
not been sought for in life; (9) On the care of those who have been
snatched away by sudden death (Wasserschleben, op. cit.). Each of these
chapters cites passages from the Fathers -- Augustine, Gregory, Jerome
-- thus showing that the Irish maintained the belief and practice of
the Early Church. that prayers were to be offered only for those who
died in the Faith is evident from certain prescriptions in St.
Cummian's Penitential according to which a bishop or abbot was not to
be obeyed if he commanded a monk to sing Mass for deceased heretics;
likewise, if it befell a priest singing Mass that another, in reciting
the names of the dead, included heretics with the Catholic departed,
the priest, on becoming aware of this was to perform a week's penance.
In the Leabhar Breae, various practices on behalf of the faithful
departed are commended. "There is nothing which one does on behalf of
the soul of him who has died that doth not help it, both prayer on
knees, and abstinence and singing requiems and frequent blessings. Some
are bound to do penance for their deceased parents." (Whitley Stokes,
Introd. to "Vita Tripartita"). It is not, then, surprising that the
Irish Culdees of the eighth century has as part of their duty to offer
"intercessions, in the shape of litanies, on behalf of the living and
the dead" (Rule of the Culdees, ed. Reeves, Dublin, 1864, p. 242). The
old Irish civil law (Senchus Mor, A.D. 438-441) provided that the
Church should offer requiem for all tenants of ecclesiastical lands. But no such enactments were needed to stir up individual piety.
Devotion to the souls
departed is a characteristic that one meets continually in the lives of
the Irish saints. In the life of St. Ita, written about the middle of
the seventh century, it is related that the soul of her uncle was
released from purgatory through her earnest prayers and the charity
which, at her instance, his eight sons bestowed (Colgan, Acta SS.
Hiberniae, pp. 69-70).
St. Pulcherius (Mochoemog),
in the seventh century, prayed for the repose of the soul of Ronan, a
chieftain of Ele, and recommended the faithful to do likewise. In the
life of St. Brendan, quoted, singularly enough, by Ussher, we read,
"that the prayer of the living doth profit much the dead." In the "Acta
S. Brendani", edited by Cardinal Moran, the following prayer is given
(p. 39):
Vouchsafe to the souls of
my father and mother, my brothers, sisters, and relations, and of my
friends, enemies and benefactors, living and dead, remission of all
their sins, and particularly those persons for whom I have undertaken
to pray.
At the death of St.
Columbanus (615), his disciple, St. Gall, said: After this night's
watch, I understood by a vision that my master and father, Columbanus,
today departed out of the miseries of this life into the joys of
paradise. For his repose, therefore, the sacrifice of salvation ought
to be offered; and "at a signal from the bell [the brethren] entered
the oratory, prostrated themselves in prayer and began to say masses
and to offer earnest petitions in commemoration of the blessed
Columbanus" (Walafrid Strabo, Vita B. Galli, I, Cap. xxvi). Cathcart
(op. cit., 332) cites only the words narrating the vision, and says:
"they show conclusively that heaven was the immediate home after death
of all the early Christians of Great Britain and Ireland." But the
truth is that praying for the dead was a traditional part of the
religious life. Thus, when St. Gall himself died, a bishop who was his
intimate friend offered the Holy Sacrifice for him -- "pro carissimo
salutares hostias immolavit amico" (ibid., ch. xxx). The same is
recorded of St. Columba when he learned of the death of Columbanus of
Leinster (Adamnan, Vita S. Col., III, 12). These facts are the more
significant because they show that prayers were offered even for those
who had been models of holy living. Other evidences are furnished in
donations to prayers with which the writers of manuscripts closed their
volumes. These and the like pious practices were after all but other
means of expressing what the faithful heard day by day at the memento
for the dead in the Mass, when prayer was offered for those "who have
gone before us with the sign of faith and rest in the sleep of peace"
(Stowe Missal). (See Salmon, "The Ancient Irish Church", Dublin, 1897;
Bellesheim, "Gesch. d. katholischen Kirche in Irland", Mainz, 1890, I,
and bibliography there given.)
Written by P.J. Toner. Transcribed by Michael T. Barrett. Dedicated to the Poor Souls in Purgatory. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume IV. Published 1908. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Nihil Obstat. Remy Lafort, Censor. Imprimatur. +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York
In addition to works mentioned in the text see, among theologians:
BELLARMINE, De Purgatorio, Bk. II: PERRONE, Praelectiones Theol., De
Deo Creatore, n. 683 sq.; JUNGMANN, De Novissimis, n. 104 sq.; CHR.
PESCH, Praelectiones Dogmat., IX, n. 607 sq.; also BERNARD and BOUR,
Communion des Saints in Dict. de theologie cath.; GIBBONS, The Faith of
Our Fathers (Baltimore, 1871), xvi. To the historical authorities
mentioned should be added ATZBERGER, Geschichte der christlichen
Eschatologie innerhalb der vornicanischen Zeit (Freiburg im Br., 1896).
Cf. also OXENHAM, Catholic Eschatology (2nd ed., London, 1878), ii; and
among Anglicans, LUCKOCK, After Death (new ed., London, 1898), Part I;
and PLUMPTRE, The Spirits in Prison and other Studies on the Life after
Death (popular ed., London, 1905), ix.